Athens, 3 January 2010

Journalist: How does the difficult fiscal situation affect the conduct of foreign policy? Does it restrict the ability to exert influence and does it ultimately pose a threat to our sovereign rights?

Mr D. Droutsas: A country’s standing in international relations is determined by all its economic, political, cultural and social assets and characteristics. Common sense implies that any country’s foreign policy would be affected by difficult economic challenges faced at home. The current situation is certainly a challenging one and demands our immediate attention. But Greek foreign policy is based on solid foundations and very clear goals, namely to create an area of peace, security, stability and development in our region and around our country. Our arguments and positions are based on international law and its full respect, global values and an inherent sense of justice. Through dialogue and a genuinely constructive attitude towards all our interlocutors we strive to reach consensus. This is Greece’s added value in international relations and regional affairs. Greece has a lot to offer to the international community and we will continue to play this role despite the tight spot we may find ourselves in right now.

Journalist: Do you think that in the near future there is an imminent international initiative for a Cyprus settlement? Do you reckon that the US and the European Union (EU) are trying to hold “express” negotiations for an immediate solution before April 2010 "elections" in the occupied territories?

Mr D. Droutsas: There is but one initiative for the resolution of the Cyprus issue. It is a Cypriot initiative, taken by the President of the Republic of Cyprus, (Demetris) Christofias, for direct talks between the two communities under UN auspices. Those talks are underway and have Greece’s full support. And a successful outcome for these talks will mean that a “Cypriot” solution is reached. After all it is Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots who share a common future in Cyprus and within our European family, the European Union. So I say: Let us give them the chance and opportunity to talk and negotiate freely about their common future. A real “Cypriot” solution. Without undue pressure from outside, artificial timeframes, the meddling of so-called guarantors or even threats of partitioning if a solution is not reached by some hazy deadline. This is most counterproductive and undermines the ongoing efforts.

So any attempt to set a possible change in Turkish Cypriot leadership in April as a deadline, in order to push through a mediated negotiation process, would serve only the ends of those who, for whatever reason, do not really want the Cypriots to reach a settlement themselves. An imposed solution is no solution at all. Such efforts have failed before and would fail again.

In this context, I repeat that we envisage a settlement to the Cyprus problem on the basis of UN Security Council Resolutions, the principles and values of the European Union and – I cannot stress this point enough – with full respect for the European acquis. A truly “European” solution. The Republic of Cyprus is a full Member State of the European Union, and will remain such after a solution has been agreed upon by the two communities. So Cyprus must be able to efficiently function within the EU – it is in the interest of both Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, but also the EU itself.

Journalist: Are you predicting any progress in the EU – Turkish accession negotiations any time soon? Did Turkey get the right message from the EU during the recent summit? Will Athens become more austere and how close can it get to a veto if Ankara raises the level of provocation in the Aegean?

Mr D. Droutsas: What we have said repeatedly is that, in the final analysis, the rate of progress in Turkey’s accession negotiations with the European Union is up to Turkey itself.

What do I mean by this? The message Turkey received at the recent Council was that tangible progress will have to be made in certain areas before Ankara can expect to move along the path to Europe at anything like a regular pace.

And what are these areas? For example, we have a candidate for accession to the EU – Turkey – that has failed to recognize a member state of the European Union, the Republic of Cyprus. Turkey has yet to implement the Additional Protocol on the Customs Union, which provides for opening its ports and airports to Cypriot vessels.

Furthermore, the Council called on Turkey to commit itself unconditionally to good neighborly relations and the peaceful resolution of disputes, and to avoid any threat, source of friction or action that might undermine these commitments. It called on Turkey to respect human and minority rights and to protect freedom of religion at a time when we hear again the cry of desperation from the Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew. At a time when the Ecumenical Patriarchate’s very survival hinges on Ankara’s willingness to bring itself into line with these fundamental European principles and values.

What we want is for Turkey to adapt – through the process of the accession negotiations – to European standards and the European acquis. We want a European Turkey, a European neighbor. And the best way to get this is for Turkey to stay on track to membership in our European family.

Given that the idea of full EU membership for Turkey is losing ground in the EU, it is in Turkey’s hands to persuade everyone in the EU that it is willing and able to become a Member State. It is also up to Turkey alone to keep those who support its EU accession as allies to this end. No one's support should be taken for granted. The only path leading to full EU membership is full implementation of the prerequisites set, full respect of international law and genuine pursuit of good neighborly relations.

Journalist: What is Athens’ answer to the high mobility and multi-level action in the broader Middle East region that Turkey is currently engaged in? Can Greece play the role of a peripheral power to counterbalance the growing influence of Ankara?

Mr D. Droutsas: One should not view Greek-Turkish relations as antagonistic by definition. And by this I mean that Greece and Turkey, despite any differenceσ they may have, are already successfully pursuing cooperation in a number of sectors: energy, tourism, banking, commerce, agriculture and so on.

So when Turkey approaches its neighbours in the wider region of the Middle East, we don’t perceive this as a threat. We perceive it as potentially strengthening peace and stability in our wider region.

But I say “potentially” because in order for a policy – like the “zero problem” policy – to have a positive impact, it has to be implemented; it has to manifest itself in positive ways. It has to go beyond words and turn into deeds. And we are still waiting for them.

As for Greece’s role in the region, we are already a pole of stability. We have long-standing, deep relations of mutual respect and trust with the Arab world, and we have played an important humanitarian role in both Lebanon and Gaza in recent years. One of my first meetings after taking office was with the Ambassadors of Arab countries to Greece, in preparation for my planned visit to the countries in the region early in 2010. Let me also say that during Mr. Davutoglu’s recent visit to Athens we even discussed the possibility of taking some initiatives in the Middle East together, like our two countries have successfully done in the past, and I am referring here to the joint visit of the Foreign Ministers of our countries, George Papandreou and Ismail Cem, to the region during a very sensitive period back in 2002.

Again, I want to stress that Greek and Turkish policies do not necessarily clash, and if Turkey can resolve any tensions it might have with countries in the region and increase cooperation in the area, that is a good thing. We stand ready to cooperate.

Journalist: Where do you draw the optimism about resolving the name issue of FYROM, since the Skopje side does not show any signs of tolerance and flexibility? Is there a chance that the practice of direct contact the Prime Minister initiated is sending the wrong messages to our neighbouring country?

Mr D. Droutsas: Unfortunately, Skopje has not responded to our calls and moves in the open-minded and forthcoming way we would like to see. But our calls and our wish for cooperation and efforts toward finding a solution are sincere. Our desire to see Skopje in our European family soon is equally sincere – it is part of our «Agenda 2014». We want to make the people of our neighbouring country understand and believe that Greece and the Greek people are not the “enemy”, and we have never been. Greece can and will be the most reliable partner for Skopje once accession negotiations with the EU have started. And we all know that the initiation of accession negotiations is the easy part of the story. The really tough part is the accession negotiations as such, which last for a considerable period of time. Here you need real partners and friends, and Greece can and will be such a friend when the time comes.

Again, we want to see our neighbour progress on its European course, but if it wants to do so – and I really think the people of our neighbouring country deserve a chance to realize their European aspirations – prior resolution of the name issue will be required. This is an absolute necessity and precondition, which was also expressed during the last Council in the EU.

Greece’s position, our “national red line” is crystal clear, objective and fair: to reach a final settlement of the issue, we need to find a name with a geographical qualifier for use in relation to everyone and in all instances, erga omnes. Only in this way can we put the problems we have behind us once and for all.

We are waiting for Skopje to join us in the negotiations under the auspices of the U.N. in an equally constructive spirit. This is our message to Skopje.

Within the framework of the new government’s initiative-based and open-minded foreign policy, Prime Minister Papandreou has taken the initiative to hold face-to-face meetings with his counterpart, Mr. Gruevski. And it is our view that such meetings can only serve to reinforce the negotiations at the U.N.

We will continue with our efforts. Mr. Gruevski holds the future of his country in his hands. He can become the leader who secured a European future for his people, which we all want to see. Or, by insisting on taking extreme positions and using irredentist rhetoric, he can go down in history as the man who held his country back from the realization of its European integration, turning it to the nationalism of the Balkan past.

Journalist: Which are the short and long-term advantages for Greece of implementing the Agenda 2014?

Mr D. Droutsas: Where do I start? Briefly – because one could write a book on this – the short-term benefits include better trade relations, increased cooperation in every sector, from education and culture to tourism and energy. Every sector! And most importantly, “Agenda 2014” is a roadmap showing the people of the region where they are going and how to get there.

Also in the short term – which I take as meaning the time up until 2014 – consolidation of regional stability and peace is a prime objective, and this will be achieved as each country works to meet the European criteria and prerequisites, adopting European principles and values and gradually securing the benefits of European adaptation so that they can be enjoyed by people in their day-to-day lives. Of course, as peace and stability are consolidated, cooperation in every sphere will become easier and more effective, also creating a safe, transparent and fertile environment for business development and investment opportunities for Greek companies in the entire region. A most valuable contribution to Greece’s “economic diplomacy” that we want to promote vigorously.

The European Union is a peace project – and an immensely successful one. And I think that the greatest long-term benefit for Greece, as well as for the countries of the Western Balkans, is that we will be living in a neighbourhood of stability, peace and prosperity – a truly European neighbourhood.

Our simple and very important message to our neighbours in the Western Balkans is this: Your future, your immediate future lies within our European family, the EU. And along this path to the EU, Greece will be your most reliable partner and friend.

Journalist: Do you intend to make any structural changes in diplomatic policy practice? What about implementing structural changes in the organization and operation of the Greek diplomatic corps? What is your opinion on the heated debate of Greece’s lack of representation in powerful lobbies and think tanks?

Mr D. Droutsas: What we are going to do is broaden Greece’s horizons; horizons that narrowed considerably in recent years, under the previous government. We received a clear mandate to do precisely this in the recent elections and we've already started to do it.

There are certain constants underpinning Greece’s foreign policy - there is wide consensus on major issues, and this is a national achievement that we need to safeguard. So we have to pursue our objectives within the framework of these constants. And by this I mean that diplomacy is not something that takes place in a political vacuum. Diplomacy serves the needs of the society it represents.

What are these needs? Beyond the major issues that we face – Cyprus, Turkey, the FYROM name issue – we need to exercise “green diplomacy”, economic and cultural diplomacy. We need to change the way we promote our country’s image and capitalize on our comparative advantages: our history and culture, tourism, investment opportunities and so on. Today’s foreign policy, in other words, cannot be exercised with yesterday’s tools alone.

To this end, our Diplomatic Academy and our Analysis and Planning Centre are returning to their key role as our in-house think tanks, and of course we are also deepening our collaboration with other think tanks and the academic community at home and abroad. There are new ideas and good ideas. We want to hear them, develop them and implement them in our policy. There is a lot of challenging work ahead of us and I am looking forward to implementing all these new ideas. One of our top priorities, obviously, is to optimize the gains we can make by capitalizing on new technologies, coupled with ongoing training and education for Ministry personnel. You will see a series of new and interesting things.

Journalist: We are experiencing an era of a US hegemony retreat. The emerging players – China, India and Latin America – are redefining the data and creating a new geopolitical balance. In the forthcoming decade, which, in your opinion, are the main poles of controversies?

Mr D. Droutsas: The international system’s centre of gravity is certainly shifting, and I think it is clear to everyone that the current global economic crisis – with the challenges and opportunities it is creating – is fuelling this shift.

But it is equally clear that while interrelations and interdependencies have changed the game, the U.S. remains the predominant military power and the world’s largest economy.

China’s emergence as a global economic and military force has been truly impressive. We also see India following a similar course, with Russia playing a more and more substantial role and Brazil putting forward its own model for development. One of the fundamentals of the emerging international balance is Asia’s overall increasing weight and role.

But there is also Europe, with its newly ratified Lisbon Treaty which will hopefully provide a better platform for promoting a value system – the European value system – that is our real strength.

And this value system essentially says that cooperation is the order of the day. Globalization looks like a done deal, but if we want to avoid backsliding, we – these emerging poles – will have to work together to face the challenges looming before us: the economy, energy resources, water resources, terrorism and the growing problems climate change holds in store for us.

Journalist: What is your personal vision for Greece’s position in the international scene?

Mr D. Droutsas: My vision – that of the new PASOK government – is for Greece to play the role it deserves to play on the international stage. Our initiative-oriented foreign policy is designed to achieve precisely that.

We want to pick up the thread of our foreign policy where it was dropped – by the previous government – in 2004 and revitalize our voice and presence in our immediate region. In our neighbourhood, we want to return to our leading role, helping our neighbours to realize their Euro-Atlantic aspirations through our “Agenda 2014” proposal.

And further abroad, globally, we want to participate in the shaping of international policy. We will not be mere bystanders. We want to have a strong voice in the EU and NATO – we want to be on the front line of international developments because that is where we deserve to be, with confidence in our foreign policy and strengthened by the universal values and international law on which that policy is based.

Participation in the Eurozone, accession of Cyprus to the EU, a successful EU-Presidency, including the "Thessaloniki Agenda", breathtaking Olympic Games in Athens, election to the UN Security Council – these are all aspects of our Greek foreign policy’s legacy. This is the true image of Greece and the Greek people. This is the tradition we want to continue.

We will give Greece the voice and presence it deserves. We have done so in the past. I am certain we will succeed again. Greece is back.