JOURNALIST: Have you been in contact with your Turkish counterpart, Mevlut Cavusoglu, on relaunching the Greek-Turkish exploratory talks? What conditions have you set for resuming the talks and how much realistic is it to expect them to do so?
N. DENDIAS: During the last meeting I had with Mr. Cavusoglu, in Bratislava, in early October, he made the commitment that the Turkish side would send us an invitation to the 61st round of exploratory talks, as it is Turkey’s turn to host this round. Instead, Turkey issued 6 NAVTEXs, announcing illegal surveys in a region overlapping the Greek continental shelf in the Eastern Mediterranean. As for your second question, a key condition for resuming the exploratory talks is Turkey’s proving that it desires to have constructive dialogue based on International Law as a long-term choice, and not as a flag of convenience. Having abandoned its provocative and illegal actions. We will not be trapped by moves that serve as mere pretext. This is the position the European Council also adopted during its last meeting, following the intervention of the Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis. What’s more, I have underscored this to the Turkish side at every opportunity, directly and indirectly.
JOURNALIST: At its past three meetings, the European Council has described but not specified nor imposed sanctions on Turkey. Given that violation of the Greek and Cypriot continental shelves hasn’t led to European sanctions on Ankara, what might actually lead in that direction?
N. DENDIAS: Allow me to point out that the latest European Council meeting referred to specific sanctions in sectors such as economy and trade. Naturally, the reference to trade also covers the re-evaluation of the EU-Turkey customs union. The European leaders also mentioned the prospect of extending the existing sanctions, geographically and thematically. Finally, the European Council called for the imposition of sanctions on additional individuals as well as legal entities that are involved in illegal drilling in the Eastern Mediterranean. This will be done based on the European Council decision of 11 November 2019, which has its legal basis in Article 29 of the Treaty on European Union. So, a step was taken. But, as I said in Parliament, the government never claimed that the above will suffice. The European Union moves slowly. All 27 member states have to consent in order for decisions to be made. We will continue our effort with patience and persistence.
JOURNALIST: Will Greece participate in a multilateral conference on the Eastern Mediterranean, and, if so, on what terms?
N. DENDIAS: The October 2020 meeting of the European Council requested the convening of a multilateral conference on the Eastern Mediterranean, asking the High Representative to participate in the relevant talks for its organisation. The European leaders added that details such as participation, subject matter and timeframe will have to be agreed upon by all of the involved parties. In principle, we are open to holding this conference. But we don’t know, so far, whether the basic conditions for holding it will be met, bearing in mind that Turkey’s behaviour is a key inhibiting factor in communication between the states in the region. Beyond this basic parameter, the participating states will obviously have to respect fundamental rules, such as recognising all the other participants, first and foremost Cyprus. Additionally, all of the participants will have to declare and exhibit full respect for the principles of International Law, including the Law of the Sea (e.g., recognising the effect of legal delimitations of maritime zones and renouncing illegal ones, such as the notorious Turkish-Libyan Memorandum).
JOURNALIST: A very likely scenario is that, from 2023 on, Turkey will threaten our country in the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean with, among other things, a Spanish aircraft carrier and German submarines. Realistically, can this scenario be averted, and how?
N. DENDIAS: As you know, Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis and I have repeatedly raised the issue of weapons exports from European countries to Turkey. In fact, this past October, I sent letters on this very matter to my counterparts of the EU member states, and I raised this issue in my meetings in European capitals. I have stressed that the European Union is a unique construct aimed at eradicating war in Europe. So, the question arises, why does this Union tolerate the threat of war against its members, such as Turkey’s decades-old threat against Greece, with the casus belli? Moreover, as I asked in Parliament, what weapon-system exports are more important to the European Union than defending International Law? And allow me to add something else: Some of my European interlocutors raised the argument that banning arms exports to Turkey would undermine the cohesion of NATO. First of all, key NATO countries, such as France, the Netherlands and Canada, have already banned arms exports to Turkey. The hesitance of other European countries raises a question: How do they justify their stance when the USA, the cornerstone of the North Atlantic Alliance, imposed sanctions on Turkey based on the argument that Ankara is undermining NATO’s cohesion?
JOURNALIST: When will the extension of territorial waters to 12 nautical miles in the Ionian become official, by law? Are you planning to extend them in the Aegean and Crete as well?
N. DENDIAS: Our country has the inalienable sovereign right to extend its territorial waters to 12 nautical throughout its territory, and it will exercise this right when it sees fit. As for the extension of territorial waters in the Ionian, the relevant procedure is underway, with the preparation of draft Presidential Decrees. As soon as this procedure is completed, the relevant bill will be prepared and brought before Parliament.
JOURNALIST: How close are you to signing the agreement with Albania on applying to the International Court in The Hague?
N. DENDIAS: During my recent visit to Tirana, this past October, we achieved a political agreement on the resolution of the issue of delimitation of maritime zones between our country and Albania via joint application to the International Court in The Hague, following extension of our territorial waters to 12 nautical miles, in the context of International Law. I note that, on this point, our views coincided with those of Albania’s government and its main opposition party, which is very important. It is also an important precedent: Greece wants to settle matters concerning delimitation of maritime zones, whether through bilateral agreements, as was the case with Italy and, later, with Egypt, or through recourse to the International Court in The Hague, as we agreed with Albania. Always based on the International Law of the Sea. This is what we are asking of Turkey. But Turkey is not responding to this simple rule of lawful international conduct.
JOURNALIST: It has been 45 years since the negotiations began on the settlement of the Cyprus problem. Turkey is opening Varosha, violating the Cypriot EEZ and promoting a two-state solution. Do you see potential for a solution?
N. DENDIAS: First of all, since you mentioned the opening of the city of Varosha, I would like to stress that Greece and the European Council unequivocally condemned these actions, which are contrary to the relevant UN Security Council resolutions. Regarding the settlement of the Cyprus problem, our stance is firm: We want a viable solution based on the relevant UN Security Council resolutions and the European acquis. This solution is a bicommunal bizonal federation. There is no room for discussion outside this framework. The resolution of the Cyprus problem hinges on the will to seek a solution in this framework. I assure you that this will exists on the part of the Republic of Cyprus and Greece.
JOURNALIST: How do you think Turkey and NATO will be impacted by the sanctions that the U.S. announced last Monday?
N. DENDIAS: The actual impact of the American sanctions on Turkey’s defence industry and on the Turkish economy in general will become apparent over time. On the symbolic level, these sanctions are already undoubtedly a strong message to Turkey. On the one hand, the relations between the two countries are now entering a new phase, and on the other hand, these sanctions underscore the doubts as to whether Turkey wants to be a country with a clear western orientation. The last time the U.S. imposed sanctions on Turkey was in 1974, following the invasion of Cyprus. At that time, Congress essentially imposed this decision on the executive branch. An important factor in this move by the Congress was a very prominent member of the Greek American community, Paul Sarbanes, who passed away recently. In the current situation, the Administration, just a few weeks before it steps down, decided to impose sanctions that will affect the new Administration's relations with Turkey. They are also a manifestation of everything U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said at the recent meeting of NATO Ministers of Foreign Affairs. In other words, that Turkey is openly undermining the stability and cohesion of the Alliance. Never before have such things ever been said, especially by the U.S. to a country that, on paper at least, is a NATO ally? One final point on this topic: It did not escape our notice that the U.S. decided to impose these sanctions essentially one business day after the European Council meeting. Need I say more?
JOURNALIST: How has our country benefited from the ongoing improvement in Greek-American relations in recent years? What are our expectations from the new Biden administration in the U.S.?
N. DENDIAS: Greek-U.S. bilateral relations are not just excellent. They are at a level that has never been attained in the past. I had the opportunity to meet multiple times with the outgoing U.S. Secretary of State, Mr. Pompeo. The culmination of this cooperation was the signing of the agreement on mutual defense cooperation, a year ago. I would also highlight the upgraded role of Souda and the promotion of Alexandroupoli in our joint defense planning. As I have already said, the talks are already underway on the new mutual defense cooperation agreement. And when those talks are completed, we can expect further expansion and deepening of the American strategic footprint in the region, with all the positive ramifications this has for our country’s geopolitical position. Regarding the incoming Administration, the new American president has a profound knowledge of our region and the challenges it is facing. The same holds true for the foreign policy team he has selected. We look forward to further enhancement of the relations between our two countries. We also look forward to a more active American presence in the Eastern Mediterranean, which will contribute to peace and stability in the region.
December 19, 2020